Holy Roman Empire
Chapter 342: Secretly Crossing the Wei River at Chencang

Translator’s Note: Title is a Chinese idiom referring to the stratagem used by Liu Bang against Xiang Yu of Chu. It roughly means feigning one thing while doing another or doing something under the cover of a diversion. Here’s a brief story and explanation about it: https://twitter.com/dorisyincpa/status/1740190782210924765

Unable to convince Maximilian, Franz directly ordered for his two other younger brothers to be sent to the military camp for closed-door education. Perhaps having learned her lesson, Archduchess Sophie did not intervene.

Up until Franz’s rise to power, the Austrian military existed as a venue for aristocratic idlers to parade their affluence. Now, although still the landing place for these playboys, it was no longer about flaunting wealth, but about enduring grueling years of service.

Closed management was a given; once in the barracks, they bid farewell to the vibrant city life and train in the depths of the Alps day in and day out.

Due to strict management, many families saw the military as a school to educate the next generation. The number of playboys in Vienna also dropped to its lowest point in history.

The mandatory military service period was only two years. Due to population growth, ordinary soldiers typically served one year before transitioning to the reserves.

Noble sons were an exception, with their service starting at three years. Training officers took more time than training ordinary soldiers, so their service was naturally longer.

The training for noble officers is much stricter than for ordinary soldiers, with far more subjects covered. Typically, the first year is spent in the Alps or the Balkan Mountains.

With each day’s grueling training leaving them half dead, they naturally lacked the energy for unruly thoughts. Over time, many bad habits would be corrected in the military.

The difference in age between Maximilian and Franz was just over a year initially. Yet, when the military reforms took place, Maximilian had already completed his aristocratic grooming to become a commissioned naval officer, forgoing this chance for tempering.

With the relentless training preventing him from visiting home throughout the year, the doting mother Archduchess Sophie demanded that Franz open a backdoor for her Maximilian. However, when her plea was rejected, she kept delaying the matter.

Fortunately, there was a tradition of military service among the German nobility. Nobles who had not served in the military could not establish themselves in society.

Therefore, Archduchess Sophie can only delay time at most, as she didn’t dare to let the two boys avoid military service altogether.

One could reference how each year, idlers were being tied up by their families and sent off to the military camp, occasionally accompanied by scenes of tearful farewells as if facing a life-or-death separation.

Of course, such scenes mostly occur among the nouveau riche. This is also why they’re looked down upon by the old aristocracy, seen as a lack of refinement.

To some degree, Franz’s military reforms also relied on this tradition.

Although Austria did not reach the level of Prussia where the military owns the state, most high-ranking government officials did come from the military.

If a region requires total mobilization, government officials can quickly transform into military officers and form an army in the shortest time possible.

Due to the nobles’ sense of honor, none of them have complained to Franz about the harshness of the training, which has pleased him immensely.

Rights and obligations go hand in hand. If they refused to fulfill their own obligations, then this class had truly degenerated.

According to statistics from the Ministry of War, over 95% of Austrian noble offspring serve in the military, with the remaining few being those with physical disabilities or congenital deficiencies which prevented them from serving in the military.

Before the reforms, this number was 100%. The cultural tradition in Germany was to view military service as an honor, and this fine tradition was naturally preserved.

From the compulsory education stage, there were basic military training courses. In areas with limited resources, training may only involve drills and endurance exercises, while noble schools resemble junior military academies.

St. Petersburg

After years of struggle, the reformists finally overcame the conservatives and gained the upper hand. On March 25, 1863, Alexander II issued the “Statutes Concerning Peasants Leaving Serf Dependence”.

It stipulated the abolition of serfdom, with serfs gaining the status of free citizens and personal freedom along with general civil rights, including the right to own property, hold public office, litigate, and engage in commerce and industry.

Under the condition that all land remained the property of the landowners, peasants were allowed to use a certain amount of land but were required to pay redemption fees to the landowners.

Before signing the redemption contract, peasants still had to perform labor service or pay quitrent to the landowners.

Obviously, this Russian reform was imperfect. The land redemption fees were set by landowners, far exceeding the market value of the land, and in some places even several times higher than the market price.

The exorbitant prices for land redemption laid the groundwork for future social conflicts. In fact, conflicts erupted in many areas after the redemption prices were determined.

Alexander II was also greatly troubled. On one hand, he desired to undertake more thorough social reforms to propel the Russian Empire swiftly into a capitalist society. On the other hand, he was unwilling to rupture ties with the landowning nobility.

There is a distinction between different types of “landowners” in the Russian Empire, with the term predominantly referring to the nobility, as ordinary free citizens rarely owned land.

Carrying out social reforms would obviously harm the interests of the aristocratic class that ruled this country. These nobles naturally didn’t want that, intending to shift the losses elsewhere.

This sentiment was not limited to the conservative faction; many individuals within the reformist camp were also prepared to sacrifice the interests of the peasants in exchange for the success of this social reform.

As for the potential social conflicts that might arise from such actions, they had been overlooked by them. After all, one cannot truly expect them to cut their own flesh, can they?

Minister of Interior Valuyev said in a low voice, “Your Majesty, there were a total of 38 peasant uprisings in the country last month, all of which have been suppressed.”

Peasant uprisings in the Russian Empire are nothing new; if there aren’t a few outbreaks in a year, that would be news.

But dozens in a single month gave Alexander II pause. The Emancipation Manifesto had been issued, but this reform could not satisfy the serfs.

The revolutionaries had not been idle either, inciting the serfs to revolt and proclaiming that overthrowing the Russian government would allow everyone to own land for free.

The liberals were not as radical, at least they did not intend to overthrow the Tsar. The liberals believed the government should enact laws to regulate the price of land, not allowing the nobles to exploit the peasants.

The current serf uprisings in the country were largely instigated by these two factions.

Alexander II said, “Continue to be vigilant. We cannot let them cause chaos at this critical juncture and disrupt this reform.”

“Yes, Your Majesty!” the Minister of Interior hastily replied.

Fortunately, the Russians had won the Near East War. Taking advantage of the opportunity to reward those who contributed to the victory, Nicholas I liberated a batch of serfs.

These people were now the main force of the Tsar’s army. Although mostly in the lower ranks, as long as they remained loyal to the Tsar, it would still be the Tsar’s Russia.

Otherwise, the nobles who had been stirred into a frenzy would not have so readily compromised with the Tsar. Russia’s conservative forces had always been the strongest in Europe.

This is different from Austria’s abolition of serfdom amid widespread rebellion. At that time, the Austrian nobility was frightened by the revolution, watching one aristocratic house after another being annihilated, fearing when their turn might come. They had no choice but to agree to abolish serfdom.

In the face of survival, everyone’s expectations naturally lowered. Lowering land prices was accepted. To preserve their lives and property, they had to choose compromise.

Currently, the Russian nobles did not feel any pressure to survive. Although there have been serf uprisings in Russia, they have not reached a significant scale. Without pressure, people naturally seek to make up for losses and even prepare to seize the opportunity to profit further.

Minister of Finance Knyazhevich said anxiously, “Your Majesty, due to the reforms, it is projected that our tax revenue will decrease by another five percent this year, while fiscal expenditures will increase by fifteen percent.

If this continues, our finances may go bankrupt even before domestic reforms are completed. The Ministry of Finance suggests delaying the abolition of the tax farming system in some remote areas to reduce fiscal expenses.”

The tax farming system is also a challenge faced by the Russian government. The Russian Empire was too vast, and before this, due to communication and transportation issues, the Russian government had no way to manage this vast empire and had to implement the tax farming system.

Now, with the emergence of the telegraph, communication issues can be resolved. The Russian government was prepared to abolish the tax farming system to remove barriers to the development of a capitalist economy.

However, this will greatly increase administrative expenses. Many taxes collected in remote areas may not even cover administrative expenses.

Alexander II asked, “Just delaying the abolition of the tax farming system probably won’t solve the problem, right? Our funding gap cannot be resolved with just a few million rubles each year.”

Finance Minister Knyazhevich replied, “That’s correct, Your Majesty. This year’s annual deficit is expected to exceed forty million rubles, and delaying the abolition of the tax farming system could save eight million rubles.”

After some thought, Alexander II said, “Even if we delay the abolition of the tax farming system, what about the remaining shortfall?”

The regions where the tax farming system is primarily implemented in the Russian Empire are Siberia, the Far East, and Central Asia. Due to transportation reasons, the economies of these regions are not very developed, so delaying the reform would not have much impact.

Finance Minister Knyazhevich then proposed, “Your Majesty, personally, I suggest selling Alaska to save on administrative expenses and at the same time obtain funds to cover the financial shortfall.”

Alexander II shook his head and said, “Selling Alaska is not an issue. Besides its large size, that land doesn’t actually bring us any income.

Due to our relations with the British, if a conflict were to arise in the future, we would not be able to defend it anyway.

But the problem is, we cannot replace a buyer. The only possible buyer, the United States, is currently mired in civil war and unable to extricate itself.”

Indeed, before the discovery of gold, Alaska was a barren land. Within one million square kilometers of territory, there were barely ten thousand Russians settled there.

Even though the central basin had some arable land, in this era, land was not that valuable, especially undeveloped land.

Finance Minister Knyazhevich suggested, “Your Majesty, let us seek buyers worldwide. If we cannot replace a buyer, we can at least use it to pay next year’s loan interest to Austria!”

Alexander II shook his head, “No, that would affect relations between our two countries. Austria is not only our ally but also our largest trading partner.”

This had nothing to do with principles; it was entirely driven by interests. The existence of the Russo-Austrian alliance allowed the Russian Empire to maintain its hegemonic position in Europe. Even though they were busy with internal reforms now, no one had challenged their position.

However, if this alliance dissolved, the situation would be different. Not only would the French challenge their dominance, but Austria itself would become a challenger.

Turning a potential enemy into an ally was the greatest diplomatic achievement of the Russian government in recent decades.

When Austria was mired in revolution, Nicholas I did not take advantage of the situation. As a result, the Russian Empire gained Austria’s support and won the Near East War, seizing Constantinople.

Nicholas I repeatedly emphasized the importance of the Russo-Austrian alliance before his death. Alexander II wasn't foolish; he knew this was a mutually beneficial alliance. It would be unwise to affect relations between the two countries for some minor gain.

Finance Minister Knyazhevich explained, “Your Majesty, there is no need to affect relations between our countries. You only need to write Emperor Franz a letter explaining our difficulties and asking for his help.

Back then, when the Austrians were suppressing the Hungarian uprising, the late Nicholas I also prepared to send troops to help. However, as soon as they arrived at the border, the Austrians managed to handle it themselves.

In any case, the Habsburgs owe us this favor. Therefore, during the subsequent Near East War, the Austrian government has always stood on our side.”

Knyazhevich was subtly reminding Alexander II to value the relationship between the two royal families and not to ignore national interests because of his pro-Prussian stance.

Alexander II nodded. Personally, he might lean towards Prussia, but he wasn’t as foolish as Peter III to disregard the interests of the country.

Can’t everyone see the Russo-Prussian relationship still hasn’t improved?

After Bismarck’s death, William I of Prussia, feeling deeply humiliated, never again bowed to Russia. Similarly, Alexander II never extended any goodwill towards Prussia either.

All of this was determined by national interests. On one hand, as the hegemon of Europe, the Russian Empire could not afford to bow down voluntarily. On the other hand, the sentiments of Denmark, this little brother, also needed to be considered. Just based on the fact that the Kingdom of Denmark had provided successive loans of twenty million rubles to the Russian government over the years, their closeness was evident.

Alexander II calmly responded, “No problem, I will write this letter as soon as possible.”

Seeing Alexander II accept this suggestion, Finance Minister Knyazhevich breathed a sigh of relief, feeling this money was indeed not easy to earn.

His earnest persuasion of Alexander II was not merely to deepen the relationship between Russia and Austria, although that was certainly a factor.

More importantly, he had received 100,000 guilders in lobbying fees from the Austrian ambassador to Russia. Knyazhevich was a smart man who knew what money he could and could not accept. Having taken the money, he had to deliver results.

If the Austrians wanted to further deepen the relationship between the two countries, Knyazhevich naturally would not refuse, as it was also in line with Russia’s interests.

As for the issue of Alaska, he decisively ignored it. This was merely a pretext to continue deepening relations between the two countries, it was just a wilderness after all.