Holy Roman Empire
Chapter 353: Besieging the Throne

In the Berlin Palace, the Junker nobles took a stand against the government. They were intelligent enough to understand that before launching an attack on Denmark, they should have notified the government for cooperation, rather than striking first and then informing them later.

Prime Minister Franck was livid. He was from the Junker nobility himself, but they went ahead without properly informing him, clearly not treating him as one of their own.

This was a serious matter; during this period, the Prussian government had fallen into the hands of the Junker nobility. Political parties and parliament controlled by the bourgeoisie had become mere extras.

If divided like a joint-stock company, the Junker nobles already control 65% of the shares in the “Prussian Company”, making them the absolute majority shareholder.

The occurrence of such an event meant that Franck’s position within the Junker nobility had been shaken. This was a political signal indicating a decrease in support for him within the Junker nobility.

William I also looked displeased, having been kept in the dark as well. He glared fiercely at the military representatives, indicating that if they didn’t provide a reasonable explanation, he wouldn’t be lenient.

There was nothing he could do about the Junkers, but that didn’t mean he couldn’t make a move against a few high-ranking military officers. Moreover, were the Junkers still unified now?

The emergence of the maritime faction and continental faction was partially thanks to William I’s efforts. As a monarch, no one likes to have a monolithic group of subordinates; dividing them is simply instinctual.

Feeling pressured under William I’s gaze, Roon, who served as both the Minister of the Army and the Navy, hurriedly explained, “Your Majesty, look at this map of Europe. Here is the position of our Kingdom of Prussia. Our homeland is divided into two by the German Federal Empire.

The Rhineland in the west is under threat from the French military, while Prussian Poland in the east faces threats from the Russians. Additionally, the Silesia region in the south is under Austrian threat.

There is no other country in the world facing such dire strategic circumstances, simultaneously threatened by three great powers.

In such a situation, our options for breaking this deadlock are limited. Attempting to annex the German Federal Empire would inevitably be met with opposition from various European countries.”

He continued, “The French covet the Rhineland and do not want our homeland to be united; the Austrians aim to unify Germany themselves and will not allow us to encroach on the German Federal Empire; the British are unwilling to relinquish their foothold on the European continent and will not support our annexation of the German Federal Empire.

As for the Russians, their ambitions in Prussian Poland are known to all — they’ll pounce on us at the first opportunity.

To strengthen ourselves, our only option now is to recapture the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein from the Danes. If luck is on our side, we might even be able to take a big bite out of Denmark itself.

The recapture of the two duchies holds great significance for Germany. Under the influence of national righteousness, Austria will not stand against us; in fact, diplomatically, they may even support our actions.

Denmark leans toward Russia politically, so Britain and France won’t mind us dealing a blow to Russian influence. They may even give us a push to pit us against Russia.

This is Russia’s most vulnerable moment. Alexander II’s reforms are not yet complete, and with the Polish uprising, the conservatives are bound to strike back.

With Russia beset by internal and external troubles, even if they wanted to intervene in this war, their financial situation severely limits their capabilities.

If Russia were to send troops, we would not be fighting alone. Britain and France would surely support us, and even Austria would hope for Russia’s failure.

Our chances of success in this endeavor are very high. With just a month’s time, we can occupy the Kingdom of Denmark, catch the Russians off guard, and then negotiate to resolve subsequent issues.”

This is a gamble, betting on whether the Russians will intervene in this war. If they win, naturally they will reclaim the two duchies and take a chunk out of the Kingdom of Denmark in the process.

If they lose, they’ll simply turn to Britain and France, acting as their proxies and engaging in a fight against the Russians with the support of both countries.

There’s no doubt the Prussian military has no confidence in a full-scale showdown with Russia. But a limited regional conflict supported by their full national strength is another matter.

The Russian Empire is powerful, but unfortunately, the Russian government is poor. The reforming Russian government is even poorer than before.

Though the Prussian government lacks funds, Britain and France are wealthy. Since they would be acting as their hired hands, the bosses will naturally foot the bill.

This explanation merely dampened William I’s anger slightly. Clearly, more was needed for him to let this matter go.

William I sneered and said, “Is that so, my Minister of War and Navy, my Chief of Staff? Since when did you take charge of all domestic and foreign affairs of the Kingdom of Prussia?”

Minister of War and Navy, Roon and the Chief of Staff, Moltke, both lowered their heads, pretending to be ostriches.

It wasn’t that they wanted to strike first and report later. The problem was that if they had reported this plan in advance, it would never have been approved.

On the surface, the risks of this gamble are within manageable limits. The worst-case scenario is a limited war with Russia, but with the support of Britain and France, Prussia’s chances of success are not low.

But in reality, this is just all assumptions. If any link in the chain encounters a problem, the Kingdom of Prussia could immediately face catastrophic consequences.

For instance, what if Russia went berserk and fought with everything they had? Not to mention English and French support, even if those two directly intervened, Prussia would still be doomed.

What if Russia and Austria reached a compromise to partition Prussia? Their enemies would instantly double.

Don’t think that this possibility doesn’t exist. In this era, the Kingdom of Prussia had a total area of ​​305,000 square kilometers, of which Prussian-controlled Polish territories alone accounted for 141,100 square kilometers.

Austria dared not relinquish Prussian German territories, but giving up those 141,100 sq km of Prussian Poland would pose no pressure for the Austrian government.

Under normal circumstances, the Russian government wouldn’t do this. That’s because Austria’s annexation of these territories would rapidly expand its power. Without Prussia to balance things out, the German Federal Empire wouldn’t be able to hold up for long.

Or what if the English and French bureaucracies reacted too slowly, and by the time aid arrived, Prussia was already crippled?

Or perhaps an unexpected incident occurs during the attack on Denmark, and victory is not achieved in the war immediately. As a result, Russia launches an attack too, forcing Prussia to fight on two fronts.

……

Any one of these unexpected factors could doom the Kingdom of Prussia. Even if Prussia fell, the domestic nobles and capitalists wouldn’t necessarily go down with it — the only one doomed to misfortune would be William I.

As a competent monarch, why take such a risk? Wouldn’t steady development under current conditions be better?

In plain terms, it’s the Junker nobility dragging Prussia onto the gambling table for their own interests, and doing so underprepared.

Prime Minister Franck advised, “Your Majesty, at this point, let’s set aside the issue of assigning blame for later! The most important thing now is to immediately communicate with other countries and seek diplomatic support.

Recovering the two duchies of Schleswig and Holstein is a great cause for the entire German nation. We cannot bear this burden alone.”

Whether he wanted to or not, the Prussian government had to clean up this mess. If left to the military, who knows what kind of chaos would ensue?

Franck dared not take that risk. The Kingdom of Prussia could not afford the consequences of failure. Had he been in charge from the start, he would never have taken such a gamble without first securing the backing of Britain, France, and Austria.

William I sighed and said, “I don’t care how you do it, immediately order all military actions to cease. We need a valid excuse; we’ve already used the upholding of German sovereignty excuse once.

At the Paris Peace Conference, the German territories were divided, and Prussia was no longer qualified to represent all the German states. This cannot be our pretext for war.”

To rally morale, invoking “upholding German sovereignty” best arouses soldiers’ patriotic fervor. But politically, it’s a losing argument.

In the First Schleswig War, under pressure from Russia, the Kingdom of Prussia again relinquished the territories of Schleswig and Holstein, tarnishing its reputation across German lands.

Using this excuse won’t be accepted by either Austria or the German Federal Empire. The international resolution to divide the German territories at the Paris Peace Conference means that Britain and France won’t recognize it as a pretext for war either.

Roon hesitated before responding, “Your Majesty, it’s already too late. Although the plan was to launch the attack the day after tomorrow, the troops had already cut off telegraph communications. In such a short time, we simply can’t notify the troops.

You see, we might just have to come up with a makeshift excuse, like: Liberating German compatriots oppressed by the Kingdom of Denmark.”

Clearly, the military was prepared in advance. Whether the Prussian government cooperates or not, the attack will still proceed as scheduled. The time left for the government is just for delivering the declaration of war.

Delaying tactics? Don’t even dream about it. After all the hustle and bustle, how could they possibly back out now?

Chief of the General Staff Moltke hesitated, wanting to speak but ultimately remaining silent throughout.

This plan originated from the General Staff, and the accompanying operational plans were personally overseen by him. Just based on this, he dared not speak up rashly, lest he anger the king.

William I glared at Roon and scoffed, “So you’ve already prepared everything? Then why bother telling me? Since you’re all so capable, just handle it yourselves!”

With that, he stormed out without looking back. The king had left in a huff, but the matter still needed to be handled. At the very least, the declaration of war had to be issued; Prussia couldn’t afford to wage war without formal notice.

Prime Minister Franck, fuming, said, “Since the military has already decided everything, then you can just have someone deliver the declaration to the Danes yourselves! The Foreign Ministry is busy enough, and they still have to take care of the aftermath for you. No need to bother them even more.”

In ordinary times, whoever dares to encroach on the duties of the Foreign Ministry would have faced the wrath of the Foreign Minister long ago. But now, it’s an exception. The Prime Minister wants to shift all the responsibility onto the military, so naturally, he won’t object.

If they won, everything would be fine. But if any mishap occurred and they lost this war, the military would have to shoulder all the blame.

Moltke and Roon exchanged glances and smiled bitterly. It’s clear that their actions this time have angered both the king and the government, and they shouldn’t expect to have an easy time in the future.

Unless this war yielded satisfactory gains for all, the two of them would definitely be sacked, possibly even court-martialed.

Unauthorized deployment of troops without the king’s approval is already a grave offense. Now, the government is adding another charge, sending the military to deliver the declaration of war.

If they won, it would be credited as the government’s decision. If they lost the war, this declaration would probably be branded as fabricated by the military.

With so many crimes, winning the war would erase all problems. If they lose, one more or one less charge made no difference.

In any case, it’s the military that broke the rules first and must naturally bear the corresponding responsibility.

Moltke replied, “No problem. However, the government must cooperate in other aspects. If any department’s negligence contributes to the failure of the war, then we’ll all go to hell together!”

This is Prussia, where the military holds the power of the state. As Chief of the General Staff, Moltke is only accountable to the king. He wouldn’t dare to disobey William I, but he doesn’t care much about government officials.

Since the relationship has already soured, using threats is more effective than trying to persuade them nicely.

Prime Minister Franck retorted mockingly, “You’d better focus on doing your own jobs properly. Don’t create another mess that we have to constantly clean up after you. We’re convening a government meeting now, and you two aren’t welcome to participate. Please leave!”

There’s no such thing as indolence. If the war fails, no one in the government’s top ranks will be able to escape unscathed. Even if they aren’t directly responsible, they’ll still be implicated and forced to resign.