Holy Roman Empire
Chapter 356: The Second Collapse of the Vienna System

The sudden outbreak of the Second Schleswig War instantly escalated the situation in Europe.

The Danish government demanded that countries intervene in this war following the Treaty of Peace in the previous Prusso-Danish War and the agreements reached with the countries of the Vienna System, and sanction the rule-breaking Kingdom of Prussia.

In theory, the Danish government’s request would be supported, and the Kingdom of Prussia Kingdom would face joint pressure from European countries, including significant war reparations or cede territory as punishment.

Undoubtedly, due to the complex relationships between the four powers of Britain, France, Russia, and Austria, it was difficult for Denmark’s demands to be met.

……

After the lessons learned from a recent Near East War, isolationism prevailed within the British government, advocating to avoid involvement in European disputes as much as possible.

At 10 Downing Street, the Prime Minister’s official residence, discussions are underway on how the British government should handle itself amidst the changing dynamics of the European situation.

Foreign Secretary Raistlin analyzed, “The sudden outbreak of the Prusso-Danish War is mainly due to the immense pressure exerted by the three powers of Russia, France, and Austria on them.

Being bordered by these three great powers and having their territory divided into two parts, the Prussian government has always had a strong sense of anxiety, fearing that these three countries might partition them if they weren’t careful.

As early as the Paris Peace Conference of 1853, when discussing the partition of the German territories, we proposed an exchange of territories between the Kingdom of Prussia and the German Federal Empire. However, due to significant disagreements, this proposal failed to push through.

The Kingdom of Prussia missed an opportunity to merge its territories and was forced to maintain a large military to ensure the security of its territory.

Now, the French are eyeing their Rhineland, the Austrians want to regain Silesia and the Prussian Saxony region, and the Russians harbor ambitious plans for Prussian Poland.

The three powers have not taken action mainly because they are restraining each other, unable to reach a consensus on interests.

The dispute between Austria and France over the ownership of the Rhineland region has been unable to reach a compromise, and there is also a dispute between Russia and Austria regarding the ownership of Silesia.

By exploiting the conflicts among various countries and leveraging its own strength, the Kingdom of Prussia has managed to preserve itself temporarily, but the crisis has not been resolved.

In fact, as early as 1853, there were suggestions domestically to support Prussia, merging the German Federal Empire and the Kingdom of Prussia to achieve a balance of power on the European continent.

This plan was aborted before it began because the price we would have to pay to support the Kingdom of Prussia was too high, and the effect would be very limited.

This country would even face annihilation as soon as it was established. To maintain its leading position in Germany, Austria would very likely compromise with France and Russia for an incomplete unification of Germany.

Specifically, the French would obtain the German territories west of the Rhine, and Austria would relinquish its territories in Italy; the Russians would acquire East Prussia, West Prussia, Pomerania, Posen, Silesia, and some areas of Austrian-controlled Poland; Austria would unify the remaining German territories.

To avoid the worst-case scenario, we opted for the plan to divide the German territories into three parts and also advocated for the establishment of the Second Vienna System, which fostered over a decade of peace and stability on the European continent.

After the French annexation of the Kingdom of Sardinia, everyone realized that the Vienna System was doomed to collapse, with Prussia being the most acutely aware of the crisis.

They chose to engage in military action when Russia was at its weakest, out of necessity. As soon as unrest occurred on the European continent, they would inevitably be drawn into it.

Now the Prussian government wants to take advantage of the fact that European countries, including us, do not want to see Russia complete its reforms, to act as a weapon against Russia.”

“Supporting the Kingdom of Prussia is impossible; it’s the age of industrialization now. Where do we replace markets for them? However, supporting them in fighting against the Russians seems somewhat feasible.

If we could seize this opportunity, unite with various European countries to collectively hinder Russia’s path of reform, or even divide Russia, that would be ideal,” Chancellor of the Exchequer Agarwal remarked.

This is a real problem. Just flip through the history books, and you’ll see that the British have supported numerous countries. However, in reality, such support has always been very limited, often just empty promises.

Presently, the troublemaker isn’t taking action on the European mainland and Prussia’s neighbors are not to be trifled with. They would be divided up before they even have a chance to grow.

Putting it bluntly, the cake has already been divided up, so emerging nations could only snatch food from the old empires, which France, Austria, and Russia would never allow. The greater Britain’s support, the faster Prussia would perish.

First Lord of the Admiralty Edward objected, “It’s not that easy. If Russia were to collapse so readily, it would not deserve to be our greatest enemy.

Whether it’s the Polish independence movement or the Kingdom of Prussia, they can only give the Russians a bit of trouble.

To defeat this empire, it would require the direct intervention of France and Austria. I don’t believe we can currently convince France and Austria to join forces to suppress the Russians.

Austria has always maintained the Russo-Austrian alliance, fearing becoming the target of Russian invasion, even willing to let the Russians into the Balkan Peninsula.

They border too many regions with the Russians. Unless we can convince the Austrians that we can cripple Russia, the Austrian government will not take such a risk.

I suggest limited involvement, just enough to cause trouble for Russia. Resolving the Russian issue once and for all is very unrealistic — we need not take such risks.”

Foreign Secretary Raistlin said, “I also support limited involvement. We can provide loans, weapons, and ammunition to the Kingdom of Prussia and the Polish independence movement. There is no need for direct intervention.

The Russian government seems to be facing issues, but the Russian army remains intact. The troops annihilated in the Polish region were mostly locally recruited Poles, which cannot represent the true strength of the Russian army.

If we can drain some of Russia’s strength and disrupt or delay their reform process, that would count as a success.”

……

In Paris, the French government made almost the same decision as that of the British: providing money, weapons, and even volunteers, but refraining from direct military intervention.

Napoleon III even prepared to take advantage of the situation, but his target was not Russia, but rather the barely an ally Prussia.

Having successfully annexed the Kingdom of Sardinia had already awakened French ambitions. Capitalists could not bear the predicament of insufficient coal supply and high import prices, continuously urging the government to take action against the Rhineland.

The power of capital is formidable. Under the onslaught of money, the French government was inevitably influenced. Not taking action showed Napoleon III’s mind was clear and aware of other countries’ bottom lines.

One should not underestimate the seriousness of the joint defense treaties among nations. If they were to cross the line, it could lead to another anti-French coalition.

The probability of this was as high as 80%. Naturally, Napoleon III would not take such a risk. Even if he wanted to take action, he would have to drag others in to share the international pressure together.

Supporting the Kingdom of Prussia now is simply to boost the morale of the Prussian government. Regardless of the outcome, the French stand to benefit.

If by chance the Prussians manage to topple the Russians from their dominant position on the continent, the French stand to profit even more.

As for whether the Kingdom of Prussia would expand, that was not within Napoleon III’s considerations at all. Even if they wanted to expand, there would have to be territories available.

If the Prussians dared to annex Russian lands, various European countries would likely support their righteous action, which would be a cause for celebration for everyone.

The premise was surviving Russia’s retaliation. Otherwise, all the gains would only be temporary and destined to be lost again.

……

Without a doubt, the decisions of Britain and France have directly declared the collapse of the Second Vienna System. As great powers, how could these two countries lead the way in breaking the rules and still expect the system to be upheld?

After Britain and France have made their positions clear, Franz naturally will not choose to persist in a thankless task. After all, the historical role of this system has already been fulfilled.

After over a decade of development, Austria’s strength has undergone a tremendous change and can withstand the impact of turmoil in Europe.

The only great power still adhering to this system was the Russian Empire. The reason they wanted to continue to uphold it was because the current terms of the Vienna System were favorable to them.

For example, in the issue of the Prusso-Danish War, the Russian government could use the agreements reached under the Second Vienna System as legal justification to attack Prussia.

With legal justification in hand, the immediate consequence was that the majority of public opinion in Europe supported the Kingdom of Denmark, and this war was perceived by the public as Prussia invading Denmark.

Under pressure from public opinion, Britain and France have limited their support for Prussia to behind-the-scenes actions. Publicly, apart from the German Federal Empire and Austria, various countries are condemning the Prussian government.

However, not condemning the Prussian government does not equate to supporting them. After experiencing the previous Prusso-Danish War, the people of Germany have little confidence in the Prussian government.

The Munich Daily criticized the Prussian government as nothing but robbers, accusing them of sending troops to Denmark to plunder to alleviate their financial difficulties, rather than to uphold German sovereignty.

This was based on evidence left over from the previous Prusso-Danish War, including pictures and facts proving the Prussian military had organized looting activities.

There’s no need for explanation; in this era, the armies of various European countries were all like this. As long as the army did not engage in looting on its own territory, it could already be considered disciplined.

The Vienna Daily directly commented that the Prussian government, having run out of money, was preparing to use the Prusso-Danish War to solicit donations.

The people who have been deceived have the most right to speak. Many still remember it vividly, and even after over a decade, the Prussian government was still frequently dredged up for criticism.

In response to public opinion, the Austrian Foreign Ministry promptly issued a declaration of neutrality. Support was simply non-existent, not even verbal support.

The Prussian government did not even dare to chant the slogan of upholding German sovereignty, much to the dissatisfaction of German nationalists.

Originally, some had intended to support the Kingdom of Prussia in recovering the two duchies, but at this point also backed down. Many worried that Prussia’s actions were aimed at completely separating from Germany to form an independent system like Switzerland and the Netherlands.