Holy Roman Empire
Chapter 410: British and Russian Reactions

Although the Treaty of June 6th only exposed the tip of the iceberg, the British government was already losing sleep over it. Now, looking at the map of the Mediterranean gave John Russell a headache. The French army had already landed in Sicily under the pretext of helping to suppress the rebellion.

With Austria suddenly letting go, who else could restrict French expansion in Italy?

The answer was brutally cruel: no one.

Italy had always been the focal point of the Franco-Austrian rivalry, but now they had chosen to compromise. Naturally, this contradiction disappeared.

“Win-win cooperation” may be useful in resolving international disputes, but for the British Empire’s policy of continental balance, it was outright poisonous.

In the Prime Minister’s residence on 10 Downing Street, John Russell said gravely, “In recent decades, the strength of France and Austria has grown rapidly, to the point of posing a threat to us.

Look at this latest map of Europe. Austria has annexed Southern Germany and is expanding vigorously in the Balkan Peninsula. After this recent transaction with the French, their territory has nearly doubled in size.

The French are no less ambitious. In just a few years, Napoleon III took advantage of our involvement in suppressing the Indian rebellion to annex the Kingdom of Sardinia. Now they have extended their reach into Southern Italy.

Since France and Austria joined forces to dig the Suez Canal, they have been squeezing us out of the Mediterranean. If we don’t replace a way to prevent them from getting closer, soon there will be no place for us in the Mediterranean.”

John Russell’s words were somewhat exaggerated. The notion of being squeezed out was entirely baseless. Everyone’s expanding spheres of influence had clashed, so naturally, there would be competition over interests.

Unfortunately, in this new round of struggles, the British suffered losses.

To ensure the smooth progress of the Suez Canal project, British initiatives such as the Suez Railway project and the promotion of cotton cultivation in Egypt didn’t take off under joint intervention by France and Austria.

Apart from that, British interests in regions like the Ottoman Empire and Greece were unaffected. There was no intention from both countries to drive them out of the Mediterranean at all.

It’s not that Franz didn’t want to make a move, the key issue was that the French were too timid when facing the British. Unless the interests were significant enough, it would be difficult to convince Napoleon III.

However, there were only so many interests to be had, and Austria could not simply do it for free — there was not enough for two parties to share.

The First Lord of the Admiralty, Edward, pointed to the map on the wall and said, “The French have extended their reach to Sicily, and Tunisia has also been taken under their protection. Before long, our access to and from the Mediterranean will depend on the French.”

Undoubtedly, Edward was exerting pressure on the Foreign Office. The Royal Navy controlled the Strait of Gibraltar, which was the most important area in the Mediterranean until the Suez Canal was opened.

The Foreign Secretary, Raistlin, responded with a grim face, “The Foreign Office bears responsibility for the Franco-Austrian rapprochement, but isn’t it also because we exerted too much pressure on them?

In recent years, our incessant actions to limit France and Austria have raised the vigilance of the two countries.

The ongoing Russo-Prussian War is also one of the reasons prompting the two countries to ease tensions.

For the sake of common interests, I have reason to believe that France and Austria are prepared to form an alliance, or may have already done so.

The compromise on the Italian issue is definitely not that simple. It’s no secret that the French want to annex Italy, and it’s also no secret that Austria wants to unify Germany.

In the current situation, with each country restraining the other, they cannot achieve their goals. However, if France and Austria form an alliance, it will be different. With both countries taking action simultaneously, we will be powerless even if we want to intervene.”

Faces turned pale as they thought of more. In recent years, tensions between England and France, as well as between England and Austria, have been escalating, and to limit the expansion of both countries, the British government has been taking action constantly.

Prime Minister John Russell stated with certainty, “The Russo-Prussian War cannot continue any longer. Russia has already been weakened enough. If Russia and Prussia continue to bleed each other, there will be no force left on the European continent to counterbalance France and Austria.”

Weakening the Russian Empire is a British national policy, and the British government has done quite well, it’s just that they didn’t expect that while focusing on defeating Russia, they neglected the rise of France and Austria.

Now, there has been a remarkable change in the strength of the three major empires on the European continent, with Russia, ranked first, dropping to the bottom directly. It will be difficult for them to recover for the next decade or two.

The rapid expansions of France and Austria mean that either of these two countries now has the potential to challenge British hegemony.

Foreign Minister Raistlin objected, “It’s too late to try to stop it now. Russia and Prussia are really duking it out now.

With Russia suffering such heavy losses, the Russian government cannot easily let the Prussians off the hook. Likewise, the Kingdom of Prussia will not cease war with the Russians. If they miss this opportunity, their aim of becoming an empire will be shattered.

Since that’s the case, we might as well cripple Russia once and for all, to prevent them from threatening India again after recovering their strength.

It’s simple to disrupt the Franco-Austrian rapprochement. With Russia losing its position as European hegemon, the seed of contradiction will then arise between France and Austria.”

Chancellor of the Exchequer Agarwal questioned, “What if they have already formed an alliance?”

Raistlin said arrogantly, “Then we’ll join their alliance, and break it apart from within.”

...

The outcome of this meeting left Raistlin feeling hurt. Perhaps due to considerations of strategic security, the Cabinet did not proceed according to his plan. Instead, they decided to strike first and seize control of Tunisia.

Purely from a military perspective, this was the best choice. The French army had already landed on Sicily, robbing the Royal Navy of the opportunity to control the largest island in the Mediterranean.

If that was the case, then the only option was to secure the Strait of Tunis. With Malta and Tunisia in the hands of the Royal Navy, they would still maintain control over the Mediterranean.

As for offending the French in the process, that was not a concern for the group. Ever since the French annexation of the Kingdom of Sardinia, Anglo-French relations had been strained.

Apart from a brief honeymoon period during the Near East War, most of the time, both sides were adversaries.

Raistlin didn’t have time to dwell on this issue; his task now was to dismantle the Russo-Austrian alliance. As long as this alliance existed, it posed a threat to the hegemony of the British Empire.

Who knows, after failing to expand on the European continent, the Russian government might return to Central Asia to expand towards the Indian subcontinent.

Just because the Russians suffered heavy losses doesn’t mean they lack the ability to expand. As long as the Austrians are willing to provide money and resources, this scenario could become a reality.

In the midst of escalating conflicts between Britain and Austria, Austria could even compromise with the French government, so there’s no reason they couldn’t support the Russians, right?

During this era, Canada, Australia, and South Africa haven’t been fully developed yet. If India is lost, what kind of hegemon would the British Empire be?

If such a situation were to occur, within ten years, the maritime hegemony of the British Empire would be replaced by France and Austria.

The status of the world’s factory is also built on the foundation of both raw materials and markets. Without cheap raw materials from India and its vast consumer market, the industrial dominance of the British would immediately be lost.

By this stage of the Industrial Revolution, the British have already lost their technological advantage, and the industrial capabilities of Britain, France, and Austria are gradually getting closer.

…

In St. Petersburg, Alexander II’s mood was much more at ease. Whether France and Austria drew closer or not was no longer his concern.

The Russo-Prussian War continued, and due to logistical constraints limiting troop deployment, the Russian army was unable to make progress, causing Alexander II to worry.

In theory, such a drawn-out war would eventually see the Russian Empire as the final victor. However, a question mark hung over this victory.

While Sweden has been appeased, the situation in Central Asia has deteriorated, and new developments are unfolding in the Far East, leaving them overwhelmed and preoccupied.

Foreign Minister Ivanov reported, “Your Majesty, Austria has provided a response. They agree to relinquish most of the French Balkan territories, but they demand something in return.”

This doesn’t surprise Alexander II. Despite the provision in the Russo-Austrian secret treaty, it’s well-known that Austria paid for the acquisition of the French Balkans and wouldn’t give it up for nothing.

Even brothers settle accounts; what more mere allies?

“What do they want?” Alexander II asked.

Despite missing the opportune moment to access the Mediterranean, the strategic importance of the Dardanelles remains significant. If Austria’s terms are reasonable, he doesn’t mind obtaining it.

Foreign Minister Ivanov replied, “We have conducted preliminary negotiations. The Austrian government believes that in this land transaction, in addition to economic aspects, they have also paid a political price.

Their asking price is very high. If we purchase it outright, we must pay 200 million guilders at once. But they’re open to a land exchange, proposing a ratio of five to one based on area.

If we agree to this deal, even if the final negotiated result is halved, we would suffer a huge loss.”

It was clear that Foreign Minister Ivanov opposed such a transaction. In the short term, the Russian Empire simply lacked the strength to enter the Mediterranean.

Moreover, the coastal areas of the Mediterranean have been largely divided among other powers, leaving them with no foothold.

Their only option left is the Ottoman Empire, but that’s a tough nut to crack, one they’re not currently capable of swallowing.

After a moment of contemplation, Alexander II made his decision, “In that case, let’s continue bargaining with the Austrians on the price. We’re not in a hurry; we can drag it out for three or five years.”

He was aware that the Austrian government was trying to drive a hard bargain, or rather that the Austrians didn’t want to see them enter the Mediterranean and compete for territory. This was especially true since the Mediterranean had already been divided among Britain, France, and Austria.

Adding another competitor would surely upset the balance in the Mediterranean. Due to the Russo-Austrian alliance, the Austrians couldn’t act alone, which would put the Austrian government in a passive position diplomatically, especially with warming relations between France and Austria.