Holy Roman Empire
Chapter 77: The Liberators of Hungary

The accompanying Hungarian patriotic poet and one of the leaders of the Hungarian revolution, Petőfi, couldn't help but speak up.

“Lord Count, are you just going to stand by and watch Hungary fall apart? Even if the chances of success are low, you can't do nothing, can you?

For God's sake, at a time like this, you must do something for this country!”

István sighed and shook his head. “I only regret not stopping you. If I had been firmer back then, perhaps this situation wouldn’t have arisen.

You’re right, I do need to do something now, but it's not about joining the government. Please don’t rush to refuse, let me finish what I have to say.

When it comes to military command, I am just an average person. Both Duke Leopold and Marquis Lőrinc are far more capable than I am. Regarding military matters, I suggest you seek their assistance.

As for propaganda skills, Kossuth, you are much better than me. I don’t need to help in that regard.

The only advantage I have is self-awareness. I won't meddle in government affairs.

My role is to mediate and coordinate the ethnic relations. At this point, Kossuth, you should put away your damn nationalist theories!”

Kossuth was infuriated to the point of nearly losing control. If it weren’t for István’s support being indispensable at this moment, he feared he would be unable to resist the urge to go up and give him a beating.

This guy is just so annoying. Not only does he come up with rotten ideas, but he also constantly rubs salt into people’s wounds.

If there were any other choice, Kossuth wouldn’t want to pursue nationalism either, but his supporters wouldn’t agree!

The capitalists need cheap labor, and the majority of people who are excluded from the gates of power are the cheap labor left for the capitalists.

Indeed, Kossuth’s nationalism doesn’t just exclude ethnic minorities, but rather the entire lower class. Aside from the 500-600 thousand capitalists, nobles, and middle class, everyone else is a target for oppression.

Of course, on the surface, this division only excludes ethnic minorities, while Hungarians are excluded based on factors such as wealth, titles, and cultural level.

In theory, these people have the possibility of obtaining political rights, but the prerequisite is that you must first become wealthy. Once you’ve amassed wealth, you will then have political rights.

Other than that, forget about it. Nobility is something you're born into, predetermined from the moment you’re born. Access to cultural knowledge isn’t something poor folks can afford. Without money, how can you afford to study? Hungary doesn't have compulsory education.

The high-ranking members of the revolutionary party, including Sándor Petőfi, who came from the lowest background, were not truly at the bottom of society. At the very least, they had the economic means to afford an education.

Petőfi's mother was a serf who served as a maid for the nobility, belonging to the knowledgeable household servants. His father was a butcher, a small capitalist with economic acumen.

In the novel “Romance of the Three Kingdoms,” Hé Jìn was also a butcher. Why doesn’t anyone mention that his family monopolized the meat supply in most of Nanyang County?

One’s position determines their standpoint. Perhaps they sympathize with the plight of the lower class, but their class position dictates that they cannot sacrifice their own interests for the sake of the lower class.

From István’s perspective as a high-ranking aristocrat, it is only natural for him to seek assistance on military matters from fellow aristocrats such as Duke Leopold and Marquis Lőrinc, who also come from noble backgrounds.

However, for Kossuth, this is seen as walking into a trap. Given the current dire situation, who can guarantee that these aristocrats won’t switch sides?

Even if the Austrian government encroached upon their estates, there is still a possibility of compromise between the two sides, likely revolving around the price. The nobility naturally leans towards a monarchic form of government, and this class-based stance is unlikely to change.

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Once the objective was achieved, Kossuth had no intention of enduring further hardships. He hasn’t even had a sip of water and doesn’t expect István to provide him with food either.

“Mr. Kossuth, what should we do now?” asked Petőfi with anticipation.

There was no way around it. Kossuth was unreliable, and Petőfi was even worse. His talent lies in writing poetry, with notable works such as “Song of the Nation” and “Against the King”.

“Life is precious, love is even more valuable. But if it's for the sake of freedom, both can be sacrificed!”

He is the originator of this phrase, which has gained popularity among intellectuals. However, he also exhibits typical traits of an artsy person, lacking practical experience.

There was no way around it. Sándor Petőfi, born in 1823, was just 25 years old now. It was a great pressure to expect him to concern himself with the fate of a whole nation.

“I have already sent someone to contact the Kingdom of Sardinia. Now we can only hope that they will defeat the Austrian army in Venice as quickly as possible and force the Austrians to divert their forces.”

Kossuth did not mention the matter of seeking assistance from the Ottomans. It was still too sensitive to reveal, especially in front of Petőfi, as he would surely oppose it.

… …

Bohemian Army.

After receiving the orders from Vienna, Julius found himself in a state of confusion. Budapest was within reach, yet he was not allowed to launch an attack, which seemed highly unreasonable.

A young staff officer voiced his dissatisfaction and asked, “Commander, what does this imply domestically? Why aren’t we allowed to attack Budapest? Are they planning to resolve the situation through negotiations at this critical moment?”

“This question, you can only ask the Austrian government. Perhaps the Army Headquarters might have some information as well. Our duty is to simply follow orders!” Julius pondered for a moment before responding.

His greatest strength lay in his ability to wholeheartedly carry out the tasks assigned by his superiors. Even if doubts lingered in his mind, he would not let them affect his mission.

“But, Commander, does that mean we have nothing to do now?” another young officer complained, expressing his dissatisfaction.

Not having any battles means there are no military achievements. Among the four main Austrian armies, the Bohemian Army has the most favorable geographical position, with Budapest within close proximity. If they can capture it, they will achieve great merit.

The Chief of Staff, Jelačić, spoke calmly, “Do you all feel bored without any battles to fight? Well, then, go and spread propaganda slogans for me. Start by establishing military control over the surrounding areas and liberating the serfs. That's also part of our mission this time!”

Indeed, Franz entrusted the task of liberating the serfs to the army. In these times, it's not easy to deal with the nobles, especially the Hungarian aristocracy who have grown accustomed to their privileges. Without resorting to force, their words hold little weight.

“Make sure to control your subordinates well. Our purpose here is to liberate Hungary and bring happiness to its people. Anyone who dares to violate military discipline will be executed!” sternly declared Julius.

As loyal hounds, their allegiance naturally lies with the Emperor. This time, they came as “liberators” to win the hearts of the Hungarian people on behalf of the Emperor. Upholding good military discipline was a good starting point.